Abstract

This research aims at deconstructing the processes of inclusion/exclusion and recognition (formal and informa) of Albanian immigrants as political subjects in two different contexts: Italy (Padua) and the United Kingdom (London). For Italy it represents an overlooked field, while for the United Kingdom it has been approached since early ’90 . Indeed several authors recognize how the political subjectivity of immigrants has been an under explored topic for decades in both sides of Atlantic (Bloemraad et al., 2008; Però and Solomos, 2010; Morales and Giugni, 2010). Martiniello (2005) underlines how social scientists have had an influential role in constructing and representing immigrants as ‘apolitical’ by focusing research mainly on other dimensions of social integration such as labor market, education, family reunification, cultural integration, civic participation etc. Moreover the dominant paradigm of approaching the political participation of immigrants so far is the quantitative one which has been widely criticized as leading to positivistic and deterministic readings of social processes (Mollenkopf, 2013). Departing from these premises the study is positioned at a theoretical cross-road that intersects: study of citizenship as status, belongings and political participation (Kymlicka e Norman, 2000; Carens 2000) also shedding light on local and transnational political practices and forms of belongings.
A qualitative approach has been chosen, in order to deconstruct processes concerning the three dimensions of citizenship as status, belongings and political participation as it is represented by the mainstream Occidental scientific literature.
Seventy five interviews has been conducted. Fifty as biographical live stories (Bichi, 2000, 2002) with first generation Albanians not visibly involved and twenty five semi structural interviews (Della Porta, 2010; Flick, 2011) with people visibly involved in politics or as community leaders.
Albanian-origin participants are first-generation immigrants, (Friedman 1997; Van Hear 2014) the overall sample was formed in order to reflect the differences within this same community (Glick Schiller, 2012, Dancynger, 2013) without overlooking that many Albanian immigrants experienced de-skilling and downward social mobility, particularly in the Italian context. Hence particular attention is at ‘social locations (Yuval –Davis, 2006) gained through axes of class, gender and racialisation.
The research shed lights on the processes concerning the recognition as political subjects for third country nationals as Albanians, which passes in both countries, through the formal recognition as citizens (citizenship as status). Hence citizenship emerges as the conditio sine qua non in order to access conventional forms of political participation such as passive and active voting. In other words holding the citizenship status emerge as a basic tool to have political voice and representation and for political local and trasnational agency since it assures from the risk of a possible deportation due to the involvement in political activities (Just e Anderson, 2012). Moreover, findings confirm those studies that assume how integration and transnational practices are not a zero sum game (Grillo, 2007; Vertovec, 2009) but on the contrary the more integrated a subject is the more he/she involves in transnational activities in a circular way. Even though the study shows also how not all immigrants are transnational or cosmopolitans (Werbner, 2000)
On the other side by unpacking the relations between citizenship-belonging and political participation, this study shows how focusing only on status is not sufficient to explore the multiple dimensions of the politics of belongings (Yuval-Davis, 2006) and the construction of the national political community. Citizenship here emerges also as a control device that reproduces the nation-state borders (Kofman, 2005), underlines who belongs and who do not to the political community, and creates new borders, among who do hold or not the passport , or to a wider extent among long term resident and new comers.
In this picture the recognition as full political actors is negotiated in the ‘local micro politics of everyday interactions’ (Vertovec 2007: 1046) hence also through horizontal interactions (Kabber 2005; Neveu 2005). Moreover it shows how all three levels of the politics of belongings and citizenship: local, national and transnational play an important role in improving or obstructing the visibile/non positioning of immigrants as citizens with full political rights.
In particular, results show how for this community, in particular the journey from invisibility to visibility (Staeheli, Mitchel e Nagel (2009:633) as political subjects, has meant passing through several ‘gates’ (Joppke, 2010) and has been different in the two study contexts. For Italy it meant being worthy migrants by ‘whitening’ the label Albanians = ‘criminals’. While for United Kingdom it meant to overcome the representation as ‘victims’ for having been categorized as political refugees.
Both these social representations emerge as decisive in the co-construction of Albanians as pheriferical or invisible political actors. Moreover, we found political integration and voting, in particular, are closely linked to participants’ personal biographies and social positioning in the country of immigration, political socialization and memories of life in the country of origin, and social and cultural capital, which played an important role in dissociating voting preferences from immigrant identity and stigma. Thus, those voting for right-wing parties were more focused on their personal status in the country of residence [vertical political integration], while those opting for the left-wing political orientations were more considerate of their immigrant origin and the collective interests of minorities [circular political integration]. The younger and more highly skilled, in turn, act as ‘political subjects uninfluenced by the immigrant origins [authentic political integration]. The social reality is highly dynamic and we prospect for future decades a more structured local, national and transnational political agency (Barnett, 2013) which might lead to a wider political recognition and representation of double citizens.
Quantitative research is needed in particular for the Italian context in order to grasp the changing geographies of the electorate and also of the society, but left alone this studies might tell less about the underneath social process. In our view, future research should further investigate the processes of inclusion/exclusion through integrated approaches quali – quanti in a cross- national and cross-community perspective.

Key words: Albanians, Padua, London, political subjectivities, political transnational agency, political resilience, politics of citizenship, politics of belongings, political integration